In last week’s post, I discussed the effectiveness of top-down
mitigation initiatives. For part two of this post, I am moving onto bottom-up
strategies.
Bottom-up schemes
Having become increasingly popular as the effects of
climate change are understood and felt around the world, bottom-up initiatives
are designed so that they can be implemented at the “lowest feasible level of
organisation” (Rayner, 2010), whether it be local community, city, regional or
national level.
Rayner (2010) states that
bottom-up approaches opposes the philosophy of cross-governmental top-down
strategies. International top-down strategies requiring universal agreement are
forced to appease so many, from a range of backgrounds and with a range of
different interests, and this results in a less effective response; in
comparison, introducing action at a lower level allows for it to be tailored to
the region itself. This means initiatives can be quickly implemented,
contrasting top-down and multi-country collaborations that would take
considerably longer to take effect.
The author suggests that bottom-up methods need not rely
even on the efforts of an entire country, and that cities hold the potential
for innovation and collaboration. The C40 Group, that was touched upon in an
earlier post is named as a being one of
the most successful.
Example: short-lived
climate pollutants (SLCPs)
One of the best opportunities for bottom-up mitigation
lies with SLCPs, as discussed by Seddon and Ramanathan(2013). Included within this group are emissions of black carbon from
soot, tropospheric ozone, methane and HFCs, and reducing SLCPs could lead to a
0.5oC reduction by 2050, amongst other benefits: for example, a
reduction in the 3.5 million deaths from indoor air pollution-sourced black
carbon. The authors state that the technology is there for this to be achieved,
but presently little is being done. Herein lies one of the potential issues
with bottom-up initiatives: their success relies on adoption by the communities
they effect. An example of this lies in cutting methane emissions from farms.
One way this can be reduced is draining of the fields midseason. From an
external viewpoint, this seems simple and straightforward, but in reality,
persuading farmers is difficult due to additional risks to crops and
complications pertaining to the timing of income (Seddon and Ramathan, 2013).
Is bottom-up the
answer?
I think bottom-up has to be play an integral part of
climate change mitigation. The top-down approach has not worked anywhere near
as well as hoped so far, and in terms of the ability to inspire and outreach to
the general public, bottom-up schemes seem more significant.
The ultimate answer, I would imagine, lies in a
combination between top-down and bottom-up. Bottom-up has great potential but
is not without its issues. For one, most initiatives are more adaptation-based
than for mitigation. This is not surprising, given that these are generally
smaller projects that are often introduced in direct response to a threat from
climate change. Another flaw, highlighted by Rayner (2010), is the fact that
bottom-up approaches are exactly what the name suggests – initiatives that
occur right at the bottom of public decision making.
The SLCP example above presents the perfect opportunity
for action at the top and bottom levels. Cutting down emissions from these particles
can be induced at a local level, even if just as simply as decreasing use and
demand. For the specific problem of rice fields, working alongside farmers to
design a solution that reduces releases of methane whilst not causing
significant disruption is important. To go alongside these, multi-national
agreements can support and facilitate the same change, as is seen by
discussions to ban HFCs (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/science-environment-37610850).
In fact, without the support of top-down schemes, the effectiveness of
bottom-up is most likely to be limited. Urwin and Jordan (2008) looked at the
interplay between top-down and bottom-up, using the UK as an example. They found
that few policies were currently in place to support climate change adaptation and
mitigation directly, but found some that currently existed indirectly worked to
undermine bottom-up efforts. An example of this was given by the authors in
regards to a lake near Cambridge, where plans were in place to recreate a
wetland habitat but was made much more complex due to three seemingly-unrelated
pieces of legislation.
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